Essay on Che
Guevara
The
development, maturation and influences on Che Guevara's ideology
by
BEC
Background:
During the 1950's and 1960's Che Guevara, an Argentinian, became a revolutionary
martyr who's name, to this day, is recognised throughout the world. His
ideas and theories on revolution have become gospel-like to his followers.
As a child Che suffered from severe asthma, yet that did not deter him
from venturing around the Latin American continent. Che was highly intelligent
and he completed his doctors degree, normally a six year course, in three
years. Che's initial aim in life was to make a breakthrough in medicine,
in order to help people. Yet along the way, Che's plans were disrupted
and he became a revolutionary guerrilla fighter. There are many questions
as to why Che abandoned his medical studies and joined Fidel Castro's
rebel army. In particular, what impact did philosophical studies and personal
experience in Latin America have on Che Guevara's ideology and his theories
from 1951 to 1959, when the rebel forces seized Havana, Cuba?
In an era when it was common
practice to label those with anti-American ideas as a Communist, Ernesto
Che Guevara persisted with his desire to liberate the Latin American continent
through armed struggle. Whilst aspects of Che's ideology and motivation
can be likened to aspects of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels', Manifesto
of the Communist Party1, there are three main
factors that had an obvious and significant influence upon the way Che
viewed the society in which he lived. The first formative influence was
Che's family and upbringing. This was followed by his experiences during
his travels of Latin America, particularly the events in Guatemala, and
these led to the formation of his theories of social justice, which were
influenced by the philosopher Alfred Adler.
There has been much discussion
and speculation amongst historians as to the ideology and beliefs of Che
Guevara. Donald Kagan believed that Che "...appeared to have been
a devoted Marxist..."2, John Gerassi
was convinced that Che "was not a Communist in the most traditional
sense of the word..."3 Fidel Castro went
as far as to suggest in an interview with Gianni Mina, that "Che
Guevara's Communism was never more than formal, even at the end."4
and Richard Gott believes that "Guevara had never been a Communist."5
This evident division in opinion can be explained, firstly, in terms of
the individual historian's interpretation of the Marxist ideology, and
secondly, by the purpose for which each of the historians were writing.
From these differences in opinion, one must question what it was that
suggested that Che was, or was not, Communist.
There are aspects of the Manifesto
of the Communist Party, that are in essence anti-imperialistic, and thus
during the 1950's and 1960's, were seen as deliberately anti-American.
Fidel Castro believed Che to have had a "...Marxist education..."
that he was "very studious...[and]...very rigorous in studying the
questions of Marxism."6 Like many who
are labelled Communist, there are aspects of Che's ideology that relate
to aspects of the Manifesto, namely, the relationship between the oppressor
and the oppressed, the open nature of the 'social reformer' and the revolution's
ability to unite the people.
Marx and Engels suggested "every
form of society has been based... on the antagonism of oppressing and
oppressed classes."7 Due to the events
he witnessed in Latin America, Che's main concern was the oppression of
the people by those in power. In terms of Marx's theory, this relates
to the relationship of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. In Latin America,
this was the Yankee Imperialists8 against
the people of Latin America, where "...oppressor and oppressed, stood
in constant opposition to one another, ..."9
Che's desire was to go to countries "where people were oppressed
and help them make a revolution"10 in
order to end oppression and liberate the people.
Communists "...openly
declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow
of all existing social conditions."11
Che openly declared on many occasions that the end toimperialist exploitation
relied on "the people's ability to free themselves from an oppressive
government through guerrilla warfare."12
Che also believed that once revolution was successful in one part of Latin
America, it would act as a spark to ignite the continent into revolution,
each nation in support of one another. In the same tone Marx and Engels
wrote "Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement
against the existing social and political order of things."13
However these are only three
very definite ideas that Che shared with Marx and Engels, but, each has
a very noticeable anti-American aspect. Hilda Gadea, Che's first wife,
who had an extensive Marxist background, wrote in her memoirs that "because
of his opinions Ernesto became known as a Communist."14
In the context of the era, and the feeling within the U.S.A., with McCarthyism
and the fear of the former U.S.S.R., it was easier merely to label one
as a Communist than to attempt to understand their difference in opinion
and their ideals.
Che's ideology to this point
can be described as a desire to liberate the people of Latin America from
the clutches of Yankee Imperialism through armed revolution. He believed
that once a revolution was successful the entire Latin American continent
would follow. Che's purpose was "to fulfil the most sacred of duties:
to fight imperialism wherever it may be..."15
to "fight for a better world, for all the poor and exploited..."16
But, what influenced a trained doctor to leave a stable career and fight
for the social justice of the Latin Americans?
Firstly there is the influence
of Che's family. During his childhood, Che had access to books in his
parents' extensive library, which consisted of books on history, philosophy,
psychology and art, with authors such as Marx, Engels, Lenin, Kropotkin
and Sarmiento.17 Che's father, Don Ernesto,
was a devout enemy of Nazism and fascism and was against anti-Semitism18,
and like his son, Don Ernesto was also concerned with the welfare of the
peasantry.19 His mother, Celia, took part
in the Argentine feminist movement and is described as a free spirit,
independent, and intelligent.20 There was
also a major incident amongst Guevara's ancestors involving an extensive
court case with the Yankee Imperialists. The Guevara's believe they lost
unjustly21; Don Ernesto suggested that it
was this incident that produced "the heroic figure of Major Che,
who gave his life for the freedom of America..."22
During the early 1950's Che
Guevara spent a great deal of time travelling throughout the Latin American
continent, experiencing the hardships and oppression of the people where
he saw cruelty, exploitation, misery and injustices. The country most
noted for developing Che's ideology is Guatemala23
and Hilda Gadea noted this extensively in her memoirs of Che. Richard
Gott believes "the United States backed invasion of Guatemala was
one of the major formative influences of Guevara's life."24
Castro and Che's parents also believed that Che's experience in Guatemala
were decisive.25
By this stage Che had realised
that an armed uprising was necessary in combating social injustice. The
situation in Guatemala developed such that Che had an opportunity to trial
his theory but "...when the North American [sponsored] invasion took
place I tried to organise a group of young men to fight the adventurers.
In Guatemala... it was necessary to resist, but hardly anyone wanted to
do it."26 However, the failure of this
led Che to realise that there must be a belief amongst the people that
a successful revolution will be able to change the present situation.
In Guatemala, to this point, the people had supported the Jacobo Arbenz
government, but after the failure of the attempted reforms, the Guatemalans
had lost their faith.
At the time Arbenz proclaimed
his agrarian reform 8 out of 10 people went without shoes and 7 out of
10 people were illiterate.27 What Arbenz
was attempting to do was lift the standard of living for the Guatemalan
people and the Yankees intervened and prevented him. Not surprisingly
Che made the following comment: "In reality, after the experience
I went through... and the Guatemalan ending, not much was needed to convince
me to join a revolution against a tyrant."28
The tyrant of course being a puppet for the USA.
Throughout her memoirs, Hilda
Gadea mentions that Che studied the works of prominent philosophers, such
as Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung, Jean-Paul Sartre and Alfred Adler. It is
the theories of Inferiority Complex and the Three Tasks of Life of Adler
that best relate to Che's ideology. Through his studies, Che was able
to relate them to the state of the Latin American people. And thus, he
could also transcribe Adler's theories to his own theories on revolution
and the armed struggle of the masses.
From the theories of Alfred
Adler, Guevara became aware of the Inferiority Complex and Social Interest.
Adler stated that "basic human motivation was to strive 'from a felt
minus situation, from a feeling of inferiority towards superiority, perfection
and totality.'"29 The fundamentals of
Adler's theory of Inferiority Complex, consist of Organ Inferiority, which
is the source for the felt minus; Aggressive Drive, the struggle toward
the felt plus; Masculine Protest, the assertion of manliness to gain greater
competence, superiority and control- to be submissive is feminine; Superiority
Striving, namely to achieve one's best, not necessarily to be better than
others; Perfection Striving, the effort to improve realistically.
These ideas related to what
Che saw in Latin America and may have formed or emphasised his idea that
Latin America could only be liberated through an armed up rising, to move
from their felt minus due to their oppression, to a felt plus, by taking
control of their nation. Through an analysis of Adler's fundamental principles30,
their influence upon the way that Che shaped his theory for Latin America
can be identified. Organ Inferiority as Che saw it in Latin America, was
the oppression of the people by the Yankee Imperialists and their exploitation.
The Aggressive Drive, was the uprising of the peasants and disgruntled
workers, through revolution, to attack the existing structure. Adler noted
that this stage may be recognised as anger. This can be seen amongst the
Latin Americans, and it is this emotion that Che provoked in an attempt
to motivate the masses. Masculine Protest in Che's ideology is interrelated
with Aggression Drive. The people of Latin America must protest and be
strong in order to take control of their nation, as stated in Adler's
fundamentals. Superiority and Perfection Striving for Latin America, represented
a successful revolutionary movement, the end of the old ways of Yankee
exploitation, and the perfection of the New Man.31
Adler's theory of Social Interest,
implied that each person should strive for a socially useful life.32
Adler's theory contained the ideas that: individuals are socially embedded;
and there is an innate potential to live co-operatively with other people.33
All of this came about through the Three Tasks of Life: Work, Love and
Social Interaction.34 In work, one should
hold a socially useful job and that the division of labour organises co-operation,
in order to provide the necessities and wants of society. Adler stated
"Successful love affirms the worth of both partners"35,
thus love contributes to the social usefulness, the aim of each person.
Social Interaction deals with a strong sense of social interest, this
in turn prevents a narcissistic and self-centred attitude, thus heightening
social usefulness.
There is evidence of agreement
of these ideas within Che's ideology. The Three Tasks of Life in essence
represent the basic principals of Che's beliefs. His intention was to
create the New Man, such that each person would be socially useful in
all aspects of his life. Through Che's study of Adler's theories he gained
a clear perception of the three contributing factors, that essentially
would assist in the evolution of the New Man. Ricardo Rojo noted shortly
after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution "Guevara was beaming. His
ideal seemed to have been achieved. A community of men and women drawn
together by work, capable of performing it in a responsible manner, happily
gathered together without false respect of sham differences."36
Thus, Che's purpose in Latin
America can best be described as a revolutionary with a pure commitment
to humanity and to bringing social justice to the oppressed. From the
similarities with the Manifesto it could be argued that "Guevaraism
evolved from the first within a Marxist-Leninist framework"37
in the period from 1951 to 1959. But it appears Che's first commitment
was to "the struggle in Latin America against Yankee Imperialism"38,
liberation, and to the "...creation of a new man- fully integrated
into his community."39 In the lead up
to the Cuban Revolution Che was a dedicated combatant against American
Imperialism, but one must query the effect that the proceedings of the
Revolution had upon Che's ideals. How, if at all, and why did Che change
or adapt his ideology after the Revolution? What effect could this have
had on the outcome of Che's liberating attempt in Bolivia? Furthermore,
will there be a time when man is fully integrated into his society?
Appendix
1:
The workers on yerba mate were in the same situation of outcasts, forced
labourers and the bosses held sway over their lives, could beat and even
kill them with impunity. They worked for peanuts, or even, worse, for
coupons with which they could buy inferior quality goods and produce at
inflated prices in he company store. To make matters worse, the stores
kept unlimited supplies of alcohol on hand. Any organised resistance on
the part of the workers was cruelly suppressed by the plantation owners
and the police.
The first thing I did was to
eliminate the coupons and begin to pay the workers a straight salary.
I also prohibited the sale of alcohol on the plantation. And I immediately
won the hostility of the neighbouring planters. At first they thought
I was insane, then, convinced I was right in thin my mind, began to label
me a Communist. In my political inclinations at the time I was a radical,
a supporter of the Radical Civil Alliance. This was a democratic party,
headed by President Hipolito Yrigoyen, who while in power did much benefit
for the country. He advocated an independent foreign policy and observed
the constitution. The plantation owners threatened to take reprisals against
me. At that time there was no law in Misones. The local authorities and
the police were in the pockets of the planters.40
Appendix
2:
As for my grandfather [Che's great-grandfather], the marriage made him
the inheritor of Don Guillermo de Castro's properties, including the Grand
Canyon. I'll point out right now that all this land and the Grand Canyon
were then deceitfully annexed by the American authorities. Our family
waged a long battle in court. The matter went to the Supreme Court which
took the side of the authorities, and we were left with nothing but court
expenses, which added up to what was at the time a fabulous sum...After
all, if they had returned the land to us...maybe our family's destiny
would have been altered and instead of producing the heroic figure of
Major Che, who gave his life for the freedom of America, we would have
turned out to be just one more rich and idle lounger to litter the landscape.41
Appendix
3:
On June 17, 1952, President Arbenz proclaimed the Guatemalan Agrarian
reforms, these reforms were supported by most of the population that had
a say, but it was bound to affect the economic privileges of less than
1000 landowners who owned half of the country at the time. By 1952, Arbenz's
government had expropriated 4000 acres of the United Fruit Company (U.F.C.),
the American banana monopoly. The actions of Arbenz prompted the US State
Department to intervene and defend the U.F.C.'s position in Guatemala.
It was the activities of the proceeding months that influenced and shaped
Che's views on Latin American revolution.
The USA organised and funded
a mercenary army of about 700 men, from countries such as Nicaragua, Dominican
Republic, Cuba, Colombia and Guatemala, to attack Guatemala. Castillo
Armis was the head of these mercenaries, who invaded Guatemala on June
18, 1954. However they were unable to overpower the professional army,
of about 7000 men, of President Arbenz. By this stage there was great
tension, especially in the cities, between the government and the U.F.C.,
and there was a particularly anti-American feeling. After the mercenary
invasion, fighting continued in the city, from the 18th until the 28th
of June when President Arbenz resigned. The resignation of President Arbenz,
allowed the Yankee Imperialists and the land owning monopolies to take
over.42
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"Revolutionaries are
spawned not by disease or by physical handicap and not by some kind of
emotional inclinations, but by an exploitative social system and by man's
natural striving for justice".
Don Ernesto Guevara Lynch.
(I. Lavretsky, Ernesto Che Guevara; Moscow, 1976. p18)
1
K. Marx and F Engels- trans. Samuel Moore, 1888; Manifesto of the Communist
Party; Foreign Languages Press, Peking, 1970.
2 D. Kagan; On the Origins of War and
the Preservation of Peace; U.S.A., 1995. p452. Kagan is an American historian,
who writes extensively about war.
3 J. Gerassi; Venceremos: The Speeches
and Writings of Che Guevara; New York and London, 1968. p68. Gerassi has
written extensively on the Latin American condition and is a professed
supporter and admirer of Che's theories and motivations.
4 G. Mina- trans. Mary Todd; An Encounter
with Fidel; Ocean Press, Australia, 1991. p70. Fidel Castro met Che Guevara
in Mexico in 1955 whilst planning the Cuban invasion. They also fought
together during the Cuban Revolution. Fidel Castro is the current President
of Communist Cuba.
5 A.J.P. Taylor, EtAl; Richard Gott:
Twentieth Century, Volume 18- Che Guevara; Purnell Reference Books, 1979.
p2391. Gott is also an American historian.
6 Mina; op.cit; p217-218.
7 Marx and Engels; op.cit; p45
8 A common term used by the Latin Americans
to refer to the United States and their intervention in the affairs of
Latin America.
9 Marx and Engels; op.cit; p31
10 H Matthews; Castro: A Political Biography;
Penguin, New York, 1970. p259
11 Marx and Engels; op.cit; p76
12 A. Sinclair; Guevara; Fontana, London,
1970. p37
13 Marx and Engels; op.cit; p76
14 H. Gadea; Ernesto: A Memoir of Che
Guevara; Garden City, New York, 1972. p70.
15 Sinclair; op.cit; p74
16 Gadea; op.cit; p93
17 I Lavretsky- trans. A.B. Eklof; Ernesto
Che Guevara; Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1985. p16 This work was compiled
from extensive conversations with Che's father and family, as well as
many that knew him. Kropotkin (1841-1921) was a Russian philosopher of
revolution. Sarmiento (1811-1888) was a Latin American author of sociological-biographical
studies.
18 Lavretsky; op.cit; p12-13
19 Lavretsky;op.cit; p15. See Appendix
1
20 ibid; p14
21 ibid; p10-11. See Appendix 2
22 loc.cit The reference here to America
is to Latin America; most Latin Americans refer to their continent as
America and the United States of America as the Yankees or the US.
23 See Appendix 3
24 Taylor, EtAl; R. Gott; op.cit; p2392
25 Castro:" (In Guatemala)...He
witnessed the intervention of the United
States and suffered very much over all that It was something he carried
within him." [Mina; op.cit; p219]; Che's parents: Che's first hand
experience of "...the criminal intervention of imperialism in Guatemala...resolved
to fight imperialism from then on..." [Gadea; op.cit; p164]
26 D. Hodges; The Legacy of Che Guevara:
A Documentary Study; London, 1970. p14
27 R. Rojo- trans. Julian Casart; My
Friend Che; Dial Press Inc., New York, 1968. p42
28 Hodges; op.cit; p14
29 S. Cloninger; Theories of Personality:
Understanding Persons (Second Edition); Prentice Hall Inc., New Jersey,
1996. p106-107
30 ibid; p106-109
31 Name Che gave to the socialist man
that he believed would emerge in Latin America after a successful armed
revolution.
32 Cloninger; op.cit; p117-120
33 loc.cit
34 loc.cit
35 ibid; p120
36 Rojo; op.cit; p110
37 Hodges; op.cit; p15
38 Gadea; op.cit; p93
39 K.S. Karol- trans. Arnold Pomerans;
Guerrillas in Power: The Course of the Cuban Revolution; Pelican Books,
Great Britain, 1970. p393-394
40 Lavretsky; op.cit; p14-15
41 ibid; p10-11
42 Rojo;op.cit; 5